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Si vis pacem, para bellum: Set EU Defense & Deterrent goals in 2022
The EU should set two goals for its military policy:
1) Defense.
2) Deterrent.
As for defense, the EU should be ready, willing and able to assist any EU Member State.
As for deterrent, the EU should create a credible and common deterrent.
This requires public support and legislative changes:
- EU Security Council and command centers.
- EU defense budget and defense funds.
- EU arms depots.
- EU armed forces.
If you want peace, prepare for war.
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LA CRISIS DE UCRANIA Y LA NUEVA ARQUITECTURA DE SEGURIDAD EN EUROPA
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{"body":{"en":"The EU should set two goals for its military policy:\n\n1) Defense.\n2) Deterrent.\n\nAs for defense, the EU should be ready, willing and able to assist any EU Member State.\n\nAs for deterrent, the EU should create a credible and common deterrent.\n\nThis requires public support and legislative changes:\n\n-\tEU Security Council and command centers.\n-\tEU defense budget and defense funds.\n-\tEU arms depots.\n-\tEU armed forces.\n\nIf you want peace, prepare for war.","machine_translations":{"bg":"ЕС следва да постави две цели за своята военна политика: 1) защита. 2) Възпиращ. Що се отнася до отбраната, ЕС следва да бъде готов, готов и способен да подпомага всяка държава – членка на ЕС. Що се отнася до възпиращото действие, ЕС следва да създаде надежден и общ възпиращ ефект. Това изисква публична подкрепа и законодателни промени: — Съвет за сигурност на ЕС и командни центрове. — Бюджет на ЕС за отбрана и средства за отбрана. — Оръжейни складове на ЕС. — Въоръжените сили на ЕС. Ако искате мир, пригответе се за война.","cs":"EU by měla pro svou vojenskou politiku stanovit dva cíle: 1) Obrana. 2) Deterrent. Pokud jde o obranu, EU by měla být připravena, ochotna a schopna pomoci kterémukoli členskému státu EU. Pokud jde o odrazující opatření, EU by měla vytvořit důvěryhodný a společný odrazující prostředek. To vyžaduje veřejnou podporu a legislativní změny: — Rada bezpečnosti EU a velitelská střediska. — Rozpočet EU na obranu a prostředky na obranu. — Sklady zbraní EU. — Ozbrojené síly EU. Pokud chcete mír, připravte se na válku.","da":"EU bør fastsætte to mål for sin militærpolitik: 1) Forsvar. 2) afskrækkende. Med hensyn til forsvar bør EU være parat, villig og i stand til at bistå enhver EU-medlemsstat. Med hensyn til afskrækkende virkning bør EU skabe en troværdig og fælles afskrækkende virkning. Dette kræver offentlig støtte og lovgivningsmæssige ændringer: — EU's Sikkerhedsråd og kommandocentre. — EU's forsvarsbudget og forsvarsmidler. — EU's våbendepoter. — EU's væbnede styrker. Hvis du vil have fred, så forbered dig på krig.","de":"Die EU sollte für ihre Militärpolitik zwei Ziele setzen: 1) Verteidigung. 2) Abschreckend. Was die Verteidigung anbelangt, so sollte die EU bereit, bereit und in der Lage sein, jeden EU-Mitgliedstaat zu unterstützen. Was die Abschreckung anbelangt, so sollte die EU eine glaubwürdige und gemeinsame Abschreckung schaffen. Dies erfordert öffentliche Unterstützung und Gesetzesänderungen: — EU-Sicherheitsrat und Kommandozentren. — EU-Verteidigungshaushalt und Verteidigungsfonds. — Waffendepots der EU. — Streitkräfte der EU. Wenn Sie Frieden wollen, bereiten Sie sich auf den Krieg vor.","el":"Η ΕΕ θα πρέπει να θέσει δύο στόχους για τη στρατιωτική της πολιτική: 1) Άμυνα. 2) Αποτρεπτικός παράγοντας. Όσον αφορά την άμυνα, η ΕΕ θα πρέπει να είναι έτοιμη, πρόθυμη και ικανή να βοηθήσει οποιοδήποτε κράτος μέλος της ΕΕ. Όσον αφορά την αποτροπή, η ΕΕ θα πρέπει να δημιουργήσει έναν αξιόπιστο και κοινό αποτρεπτικό παράγοντα. Αυτό απαιτεί δημόσια στήριξη και νομοθετικές αλλαγές: — Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας της ΕΕ και κέντρα διοίκησης. — Προϋπολογισμός της ΕΕ για την άμυνα και κονδύλια για την άμυνα. — Αποθήκες όπλων της ΕΕ. — Ένοπλες δυνάμεις της ΕΕ. Αν θέλετε ειρήνη, ετοιμαστείτε για πόλεμο.","es":"La UE debería fijar dos objetivos para su política militar: 1) Defensa. 2) Disuasor. En cuanto a la defensa, la UE debe estar lista, dispuesta y capaz de ayudar a cualquier Estado miembro de la UE. En cuanto a la disuasión, la UE debería crear un elemento disuasorio creíble y común. Esto requiere apoyo público y cambios legislativos: — Consejo de Seguridad de la UE y centros de mando. — Presupuesto de defensa de la UE y fondos de defensa. — Depósitos de armas de la UE. — Fuerzas Armadas de la UE. Si quieres paz, prepárate para la guerra.","et":"EL peaks seadma oma sõjalisele poliitikale kaks eesmärki: 1) Kaitse. 2) Hoiatav. Mis puutub kaitsesse, siis EL peaks olema valmis, valmis ja võimeline abistama mis tahes ELi liikmesriiki. Heidutamiseks peaks EL looma usaldusväärse ja ühise hoiatusvahendi. See nõuab üldsuse toetust ja õigusaktide muutmist: - Euroopa Liidu Julgeolekunõukogu ja juhtimiskeskused. - ELi kaitse-eelarve ja kaitsefondid. - ELi relvahoidlad. - ELi relvajõud. Kui sa tahad rahu, valmistu sõjaks.","fi":"EU:n olisi asetettava sotilaspolitiikalleen kaksi tavoitetta: 1) Puolustus. 2) Deterrent. Puolustuksen osalta EU:n olisi oltava valmis, halukas ja kykenevä auttamaan mitä tahansa EU:n jäsenvaltiota. Pelotevaikutuksen osalta EU:n olisi luotava uskottava ja yhteinen pelote. Tämä edellyttää julkista tukea ja lainsäädännön muuttamista: — EU:n turvallisuusneuvosto ja komentokeskukset. — EU:n puolustusbudjetti ja puolustusrahastot. — EU:n asevarastot. — EU:n puolustusvoimat. Jos haluatte rauhaa, valmistautukaa sotaan.","fr":"L’UE devrait fixer deux objectifs pour sa politique militaire: 1) Défense. 2) Désolante. En ce qui concerne la défense, l’UE devrait être prête, disposée et capable d’aider n’importe quel État membre de l’UE. En ce qui concerne la dissuasion, l’UE devrait créer un effet dissuasif crédible et commun. Cela nécessite l’appui du public et des changements législatifs: — Conseil de sécurité de l’UE et centres de commandement. — Budget de défense de l’UE et fonds de défense. — Dépôts d’armes de l’UE. — Forces armées de l’UE. Si vous voulez la paix, préparez-vous à la guerre.","ga":"Ba cheart don Aontas dhá sprioc a leagan síos dá bheartas míleata: 1) Cosanta. 2) Deterrent. Maidir leis an gcosaint, ba cheart don Aontas a bheith réidh, toilteanach agus in ann cúnamh a thabhairt d’aon Bhallstát den Aontas. Maidir le díspreagadh, ba cheart don Aontas díspreagadh coiteann inchreidte a chruthú. Chuige sin, ní mór tacaíocht phoiblí agus athruithe reachtacha a dhéanamh: — Comhairle Slándála an Aontais Eorpaigh agus ionaid ceannais. — Buiséad cosanta agus cistí cosanta an AE. — Iosta arm an AE. — Fórsaí armtha an AE. Más mian leat síocháin, ullmhú le haghaidh cogaidh.","hr":"EU bi trebao postaviti dva cilja za svoju vojnu politiku: 1) obrana. 2) Odvraćanje. Kad je riječ o obrani, EU bi trebao biti spreman, voljan i sposoban pomoći bilo kojoj državi članici EU-a. Kad je riječ o odvraćanju, EU bi trebao stvoriti vjerodostojan i zajednički odvraćajući učinak. Za to je potrebna javna potpora i zakonodavne promjene: — Vijeće sigurnosti EU-a i zapovjedni centri. — Proračun EU-a za obranu i sredstva za obranu. — Skladišta oružja u EU-u. Oružane snage EU-a. Ako želite mir, pripremite se za rat.","hu":"Az EU-nak két célt kell kitűznie katonai politikájához: 1) Védelem. 2) Elrettentő. Ami a védelmet illeti, az EU-nak készen kell állnia, hajlandónak és képesnek kell lennie arra, hogy segítséget nyújtson bármely uniós tagállamnak. Ami az elrettentést illeti, az EU-nak hiteles és közös elrettentő erőt kell teremtenie. Ehhez állami támogatásra és jogszabályi változásokra van szükség: — Az EU Biztonsági Tanácsa és parancsnoki központjai. — Az EU védelmi költségvetése és védelmi alapjai. — Uniós fegyverraktárak. — Az EU fegyveres erői. Ha békét akarsz, készülj a háborúra.","it":"L'UE dovrebbe fissare due obiettivi per la sua politica militare: 1) Difesa. 2) Deterrent. Per quanto riguarda la difesa, l'UE dovrebbe essere pronta, disposta e in grado di assistere qualsiasi Stato membro dell'UE. Per quanto riguarda il deterrente, l'UE dovrebbe creare un deterrente credibile e comune. Ciò richiede sostegno pubblico e modifiche legislative: — Consiglio di sicurezza dell'UE e centri di comando. — Bilancio dell'UE per la difesa e fondi per la difesa. — Depositi di armi dell'UE. — Forze armate dell'UE. Se volete la pace, preparatevi alla guerra.","lt":"ES turėtų nustatyti du savo karinės politikos tikslus: 1) Gynyba. 2) atgrasyti. Kalbant apie gynybą, ES turėtų būti pasirengusi, pasirengusi ir pajėgi padėti bet kuriai ES valstybei narei. Kalbant apie atgrasomąjį poveikį, ES turėtų sukurti patikimą ir bendrą atgrasomąjį poveikį. Tam reikia visuomenės paramos ir teisės aktų pakeitimų: — ES Saugumo Taryba ir vadovavimo centrai. ES gynybos biudžetas ir gynybos lėšos. ES ginklų sandėliai. ES ginkluotosios pajėgos. Jei norite taikos, pasiruoškite karui.","lv":"ES būtu jāizvirza divi savas militārās politikas mērķi: 1) aizsardzība. 2) Preterrent. Attiecībā uz aizsardzību ES jābūt gatavai, gatavai un spējīgai palīdzēt jebkurai ES dalībvalstij. Attiecībā uz preventīviem pasākumiem ES būtu jārada ticams un kopīgs preventīvs līdzeklis. Tam nepieciešams sabiedrības atbalsts un izmaiņas tiesību aktos: — ES Drošības padome un komandcentri. — ES aizsardzības budžets un aizsardzības līdzekļi. — ES ieroču noliktavas. — ES bruņotie spēki. Ja vēlaties mieru, sagatavojieties karam.","mt":"L-UE għandha tistabbilixxi żewġ għanijiet għall-politika militari tagħha: 1) Difiża. 2) Deterrent. Fir-rigward tad-difiża, l-UE għandha tkun lesta, lesta u kapaċi tassisti lil kwalunkwe Stat Membru tal-UE. Fir-rigward tad-deterrenza, l-UE għandha toħloq deterrent kredibbli u komuni. Dan jeħtieġ appoġġ pubbliku u bidliet leġiżlattivi: — Il-Kunsill tas-Sigurtà tal-UE u ċ-ċentri ta’ kmand. — Il-baġit tad-difiża tal-UE u l-fondi għad-difiża. — Imħażen ta’ l-armi ta’ l-UE. — Forzi armati ta’ l-UE. Jekk trid il – paċi, ipprepara għall – gwerra.","nl":"De EU moet twee doelstellingen voor haar militair beleid vaststellen: 1) Defensie. 2) afschrikking. Wat defensie betreft, moet de EU klaar, bereid en in staat zijn om elke EU-lidstaat bij te staan. Wat afschrikking betreft, moet de EU een geloofwaardig en gemeenschappelijk afschrikmiddel creëren. Dit vereist steun van het publiek en wetswijzigingen: — Veiligheidsraad en commandocentra van de EU. — EU-begroting voor defensie en defensiefondsen. — Wapendepots van de EU. — Strijdkrachten van de EU. Als je vrede wilt, bereid je dan voor op oorlog.","pl":"UE powinna wyznaczyć dwa cele swojej polityki wojskowej: 1) Obrona. 2) Odstraszacz. Jeśli chodzi o obronę, UE powinna być gotowa, chętna i zdolna do udzielenia pomocy każdemu państwu członkowskiemu UE. Jeśli chodzi o środki odstraszające, UE powinna stworzyć wiarygodny i wspólny środek odstraszający. Wymaga to poparcia publicznego i zmian legislacyjnych: — Rada Bezpieczeństwa UE i ośrodki dowodzenia. — Budżet UE na obronę i fundusze obronne. — Składy broni w UE. — Siły zbrojne UE. Jeśli chcesz pokoju, przygotuj się na wojnę.","pt":"A UE deve fixar dois objetivos para a sua política militar: 1) Defesa. 2) Deterrent. Quanto à defesa, a UE deve estar pronta, disposta e apta a prestar assistência a qualquer Estado-Membro da UE. Quanto ao dissuasor, a UE deve criar um dissuasor comum e credível. Para tal, é necessário o apoio do público e alterações legislativas: — Conselho de Segurança da UE e centros de comando. — Orçamento de defesa da UE e fundos de defesa. — Depósitos de armas da UE. — Forças armadas da UE. Se queres paz, prepara-te para a guerra.","ro":"UE ar trebui să stabilească două obiective pentru politica sa militară: 1) Apărare. 2) Descurajare. În ceea ce privește apărarea, UE ar trebui să fie pregătită, dispusă și capabilă să asiste orice stat membru al UE. În ceea ce privește măsurile disuasive, UE ar trebui să creeze un factor de descurajare credibil și comun. Acest lucru necesită sprijin public și modificări legislative: Consiliul de Securitate al UE și centrele de comandă. Bugetul UE pentru apărare și fondurile de apărare. Depozitele de arme din UE. Forțele armate ale UE. Dacă vrei pace, pregătește-te de război.","sk":"EÚ by si mala stanoviť dva ciele pre svoju vojenskú politiku: 1) Obrana. 2) Odradzujúci. Pokiaľ ide o obranu, EÚ by mala byť pripravená, ochotná a schopná pomáhať ktorémukoľvek členskému štátu EÚ. Pokiaľ ide o odstrašujúci prostriedok, EÚ by mala vytvoriť dôveryhodný a spoločný odstrašujúci prostriedok. To si vyžaduje verejnú podporu a legislatívne zmeny: — Bezpečnostná rada EÚ a veliteľské centrá. — Rozpočet EÚ na obranu a finančné prostriedky na obranu. — Sklady zbraní EÚ. — Ozbrojené sily EÚ. Ak chcete mier, pripravte sa na vojnu.","sl":"EU bi morala za svojo vojaško politiko določiti dva cilja: 1) obramba. 2) Odvračalec. Kar zadeva obrambo, bi morala biti EU pripravljena, pripravljena in sposobna pomagati kateri koli državi članici EU. Kar zadeva odvračanje, bi morala EU ustvariti verodostojen in skupen odvračilni učinek. To zahteva javno podporo in zakonodajne spremembe: — Varnostni svet EU in poveljniški centri. — Obrambni proračun EU in obrambni skladi. — Skladišča orožja EU. — Oborožene sile EU. Če hočeš mir, se pripravi na vojno.","sv":"EU bör fastställa två mål för sin militära politik: 1) Försvar. 2) Avskräckning. När det gäller försvaret bör EU vara redo, villigt och i stånd att bistå alla EU-medlemsstater. När det gäller avskräckande åtgärder bör EU skapa en trovärdig och gemensam avskräckande effekt. Detta kräver offentligt stöd och lagändringar: — EU:s säkerhetsråd och ledningscentraler. — EU:s försvarsbudget och försvarsfonder. — EU:s vapendepåer. — EU:s väpnade styrkor. Om du vill ha fred, förbered dig på krig."}},"title":{"en":"Si vis pacem, para bellum: Set EU Defense & Deterrent goals in 2022","machine_translations":{"bg":"SI vis pacem, para bellum: Определяне на целите на ЕС в областта на отбраната и амп; Възпиращи цели през 2022 г.","cs":"Si vis pacem, para bellum: Stanovit cíle EU v oblasti obrany & Deterrent v roce 2022","da":"SI vis pacem, para bellum: Fastsætte EU's forsvar & afskrækkende mål i 2022","de":"SI vis pacem, para bellum: Setzen Sie die EU-Verteidigung & Abschreckliche Ziele für 2022","el":"SI vis pacem, para bellum: Καθορισμός αποτρεπτικών στόχων για την άμυνα της ΕΕ το 2022","es":"Si vis pacem, para bellum: Establecer metas disuasorias de defensa de la UE en 2022","et":"SI vis pacem, para bellum: Määra ELi kaitse & Deterrent eesmärgid 2022","fi":"SI vis tahdissa, para bellum: Aseta EU Defense & Deterrent tavoitteet vuonna 2022","fr":"Si vis pacem, para bellum: Fixer des objectifs de défense de l’UE; Deterrent en 2022","ga":"SI vis pacem, para bellum: Leag amach spriocanna Cosanta agus Coigiltis an AE in 2022","hr":"Si vis pacem, para bellum: Postavite EU obranu & Deterrent ciljevi u 2022.","hu":"SI vis pacem, para bellum: Az elrettentési célok meghatározása 2022-ben","it":"Si vis pacem, para bellum: Impostare gli obiettivi di difesa dell'UE & Deterrent nel 2022","lt":"SI vis tempas, para bellum: Nustatyti ES gynybos & Atgrasomieji tikslai 2022","lv":"SI vis pacem, para bellum: Noteikt ES aizsardzības & Preterrent mērķus 2022","mt":"SI vis pacem, para bellum: Nistabbilixxu d-Difiża u l-Kamp tal-UE; Miri ta’ deterrent fl-2022","nl":"SI vis pacem, para bellum: EU Defense & afschrikkende doelen stellen in 2022","pl":"Si vis pacem, para bellum: Ustanowienie celów UE w zakresie obrony & Odstraszające cele w 2022 r.","pt":"Si vis pacem, para bellum: Definir objetivos de defesa da UE & Deterrent em 2022","ro":"Si vis pacem, para bellum: Stabilirea obiectivelor UE în materie de apărare și de descurajare în 2022","sk":"Si vis kardiostim, para bellum: Set EU Defense & Odradzujúce ciele v roku 2022","sl":"Si vis pacem, para bellum: Določite cilje EU za obrambo & amp; Odvračujoče cilje v letu 2022","sv":"SI vis pacem, para bellum: Fastställa EU:s försvar & Avskräckande mål 2022"}}}
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41 comments
Article 42.7 of TEU is the current mutual defense clause:
”If a Member State is the victim of armed aggression on its territory, the other Member States shall have towards it an obligation of aid and assistance by all the means in their power, in accordance with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. This shall not prejudice the specific character of the security and defence policy of certain Member States. Commitments and cooperation in this area shall be consistent with commitments under the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, which, for those States which are members of it, remains the foundation of their collective defence and the forum for its implementation.”
This obligation of mutual defense is binding on all EU countries. However, it does not affect the neutrality of certain EU countries and is consistent with the commitments of EU countries that are NATO members.
Given public support, the EU should amend the legislation for its military policy.
The mutual defense clause (Article 42.7 of TEU) has five potential failings:
1) “If a Member State is the victim of armed aggression on its territory…”
It may be too late to help when the Member State has already been attacked. Think of Georgia and Crimea. Modern wars can be fast and furious. The game is over before the EU wakes up. On the other hand, modern wars can be slow and devious. Think of Donbas and Belarus. Hybrid wars, cyber-attacks and assassinations of opposition leaders do not necessarily take place as “armed aggression” on the “territory” of a Member State.
2) “Member States shall have towards it an obligation of aid and assistance…”
Member States are obliged, but the EU institutions are not. What “shall” happen, and when? The obligation "towards it" sounds vague and delayed. First aid and good advice may not be enough.
3) “… by all the means in their power”
The nuclear powers may think twice if this obliges, and even other Member States might hesitate.
To be continued:
4) “This shall not prejudice the specific character of security and defence policy of certain Member States…”
The non-NATO members of the EU are free to ignore mutual defense obligations.
5) “Commitments and cooperation in this area shall be consistent with… (NATO)”
The EU and NATO members may end up in a conflict of interest if Greece and Turkey fight for Cyprus, etc.
The mutual defense clause – Article 42.7 of TEU – should be pro-active and pre-emptive. It should also be centralized and concretized at the EU level. What do these words mean?
”Pro-active” means that the EU institutions prepare for war before it takes place. The EU institutions should not wait until a Member States becomes ”a victim of armed aggression on its territory”. The mutual defense arrangements should be built up in advance. The EU should act already in the time of peace.
”Pre-emptive” means that the mutual defense arrangements would make the attack (or other aggression) difficult, while strengthening and improving the defensive capabilities. The pre-emptive measures by the EU could include military intelligence, tripwire troops, training, war games, lend-and-lease equipment, etc.
To be continued:
”Concrete” means that the defense arrangements are defined in terms of men, money and machines. The procedures, timelines and logistics for aid and assistance must have been agreed on and tested in practice. The arrangements should also allow for flexibility, should the aggression deviate from the basic scenarios.
”Centralized” means the EU institutions have men, money and machines available for aid and assistance. This would require EU-owned military assets like Galileo or Copernicus satellites, EU defense funds, and EU arms depots. It would also call for personnel who manage logistics and operate military assets.
In short, the EU should be ready, willing and able to support the Member State in its war efforts on request.
European Defense Union (EDU) is the legislative train for a common defense policy, command and control structures and military capabilities in the EU.
”The possibility of a common defence policy is enshrined in the Lisbon Treaty's Article 42. In his 2016 State of the Union speech, Commission president Jean-Claude Juncker proposed a number of initiatives in defence, including the creation of a European Defence Fund (EDF), a single headquarters for operations, the implementation of permanent structured cooperation and a move towards common military assets. He insisted on full complementarity with NATO.”
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/legislative-train/theme-europe-as-a-stronger-global-actor/file-european-defence-union
The EU needs to finance its defense and deterrent from:
1) EU defense budget.
2) EU defense funds.
The EU defense budget could be funded in three ways:
1a) The EU might enforce the 2% NATO target for military spending by collecting the shortcomings to its own defense budget. For example, if a Member States spends 1.5% of GDP on defense, it must transfer the remaining 0.5% to the EU defense budget.
1b) The EU could agree on how to allocate defense spending between the centrally administered EU defense budget and national defense budgets.
1c) The EU could include defense as part of its budget, allocating funds from new own resources (e.g. carbon tax and emission trading).
The EU defense funds for research, development and acquisition of military assets should be gradually increased to create innovative military capabilities.
The EU should construct arms depots for EU-owned or jointly-purchased military assets.
The EU already has agencies to operate satellites that can provide military intelligence information. This concept could be expanded to prepare for a war, attack, aggression or other crises situations in the EU Member States.
The storage caves for arms, ammunition, fuel, medical equipment, etc. could be located in the non-NATO members of the EU. The central arms depot might be located in Austria, while the front-line countries of Cyprus, Ireland, Malta, and Finland or Sweden could host decentralized arsenal.
NATO members have military bases on their territory, including Geilenkirchen Air Base in Germany and Pápa Air Base in Hungary, or Olavsvern Submarine Base in Norway.
The EU institutions and agencies cannot be ready, willing and able to support any Member State in defense until they have means to do so, including EU arms depots.
The EU will eventually need also Armed forces: Army, Navy and Air Force.
The EU Army should be built step-by-step over time:
European Legion.
The EU 28th Army.
Instead of repeating past mistakes, the EU should directly hire professional soldiers on contracts.
Starting with Tripwire Troops (1,500 men), the EU could recruit men from national Special Forces on 3 x 5 years contracts. The Tripwire Troops would train in different EU countries and overseas territories. Their main job would be to “show the EU flag” in a Member State facing armed aggression.
The next step would be to establish the European Legion (5,000 men). It could operate overseas, based on the UN or EU mandates for peace keeping or other justified causes.
Finally, the EU 28th Army might be formed for the European Federation.
The EU Air Force should also be built step-by-step over time:
EU/NATO air support operations overseas.
The EU Air Force.
NATO fighter jets already patrol in the Baltic airspace. Air-policing could be extended to Balkans and other EU/NATO members with no Air Force or old and outdated fighter jets. There could also be other cost-effective solutions for countries to replace their fleets, such as leasing. Anyway, the fighter jet types in the EU will be reduced (to F-35, Eurofighter, Rafale, and JAS 39 Gripen).
The next step would be to expand expensive fleet types. In addition to the NATO surveillance aircraft (Boeing E-3A AWACS) and heavy airlift capacity (C-17s and Antonovs), the EU/NATO countries could jointly purchase air-tankers, combat drones and electronic warfare planes (for training, war games and overseas operations), and develop 6th generation multi-role fighters, etc.
Finally, the EU Air Force might be formed for the European
The EU Navy should not be built up slowly over time. The project should start immediately:
Aircraft and helicopter carriers for “showing the EU flag”.
Nuclear submarines for credible deterrent.
Naval Forces are something that the EU inland countries (Luxembourg, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) lack. Even other EU members have limited Maritime Forces.
The EU Navy would serve several purposes: trade and foreign policy, international operations, defense and deterrent. The EU Navy could be used for protecting the sea-lanes, deterring piracy, showing the EU flag in the seven seas of the world, showing solidarity and support for the EU members facing armed aggression, and as an ultimate nuclear deterrent.
The EU Navy should be the first branch of the armed forces for the European Federation.
EU:n valtamerilaivaston rakentamista motivoi enemmän voiman näyttö kuin käyttö. Mutta alusten pitäisi silti selviytyä uusista uhkista.
Eri alustoilta laukaistavat häivepintamaaliohjukset (Gabriel V tai JSM) sekä ballistiset (DF-26B tai DF-21D) ja hypersooniset (BrahMos-II tai 3M22 Zircon) merimaaliohjukset uhkaavat pinta-aluksia. Raidetykit ja energia-aseet voivat tulevaisuudessa toimia vasta-aseina. Toisaalta torpedot ja autonomiset alukset muuttavat tilannekuvaa.
USAn Arleigh Burke -hävittäjät toimivat alustoina Aegis-ilmapuolustusjärjestelmille. Zumwalt-luokka hakee yhä tehtäväänsä: maihinnousutukialuksen tykkien ammukset (> 100 km) tulivat liian kalliiksi. Mutta alus soveltuu alustaksi myös hypersoonisille merimaali- ja ilmatorjuntaohjuksille. Viimeisimmissä inkarnaatioissa Zumwalt-hävittäjiä on kaavailtu komentoalukseksi tiedustelulennokeille ja maamaaliohjuksille.
Jos EU rakentaa valtamerilaivaston, millaisia aluksia jäsenvaltiot tarvitsevat rannikoilleen ja ”sisämerilleen”?
As a reality check, let us see what the EU is actually doing to improve its military capabilities.
The 1st annual work program of the European Defense Fund in 2021 launched 23 calls for proposals.
Critical technologies to enhance the performance and resilience of defense equipment (€100M for AI and cloud for military operations, semiconductors for infrared and radiofrequency components).
Synergies with civilian EU policies and programs for space (€50M), medical response (€70M), and digital and cyber capabilities (€100M).
Disruptive technologies and open calls for SMEs (€120M for game-changing innovations in quantum technologies, additive manufacturing, and over-the-horizon radar).
Interesting choices for the EU “full-spectrum superiority”.
The EDF’s precursor programme resulted in 2 awards and support for 26 new projects in 2020.
1) Eurodrone: A medium-altitude and long-endurance drone (together with other selected projects in support of payload for tactical drones, swarm of drones, sensors, low observable tactical systems).
2) The European Secure Software Radio: A European standardisation for communication technologies (together with other projects selected in support of secure and resilient communication, with the use of quantum key distribution, optical point to point communication between military platforms and solutions for tactical networks.
The 26 projects selected for funding focus on
Resilience (Chemical-Biological-Radiological-Nuclear detection, Counter-Unmanned Air System).
High-end capabilities (precision-strike, ground combat, air combat).
The EU funding is mainly for research and development, rather than acquisitions.
PESCO is a framework for 25 EU members to jointly create defense capabilities for their national and multinational missions.
The current 46 PESCO projects cover training, land, sea, air, cyber and joint enablers, including:
EU network of diving centers (SCUBA).
Helicopter hot and high training (HELISKI).
Deployable military disaster relief capability package (DIAPERS).
Deployable modular underwater intervention capability package (PAUKKULIIVI).
Airborne electronic attack (SALAMA).
Geo-meteorological and oceanographic support coordination element (SUMUTUS).
Strategic command and control (C2) system for CSDP missions and operations (EUMILCOM). (αβ-SOUP-1)
One deployable special operations forces (SOF) tactical command and control (C2) command post (CP) for small joint operations (SJO) – (SOCC) for SJO. (DELTA-SOUP-2)
One PESCO project – EU training mission competence center – has been officially closed, as of Friday, 13th of Aug.
PESCO projects aim at coherent capabilities in the EU defense, rather than excellence, dominance or superiority. The level of ambition could be higher in some projects.
If the capabilities for defense and deterrence must go beyond “mud-hut shooting” for missions and operations in Africa, the EU nations should look at what the adversaries are doing.
Russia has recently unveiled 6 new strategic weapons:
1) Sarmat – an intercontinental ballistic missile.
2) Avantgard – a hypersonic glide vehicle to be carried by an intercontinental missile.
3) Kinzhal – a hypersonic air-to-surface missile.
4) Burevestnik – nuclear-powered cruise missile.
5) Poseidon – an intercontinental, nuclear-armed, nuclear-powered, undersea autonomous torpedo.
6) Peresvet – a high-energy laser weapon.
Arms race is a combat sport.
In the new world disorder, the traditional methods of deterrence have become less effective.
The last deterrent – nuclear MADness – does not necessarily deter suicidal, psychotic or ideologically blinded opponents in pariah states, terrorist caliphates or regional nuclear arms races.
Nuclear deterrence has also become almost anachronistic in the age of disinformation. An atomic bomb is being replaced by the information bomb. In information warfare, the first strike of misinformation, propaganda and kompromat drops a bombshell on the political landscape.
The second-strike capability is no longer sufficient. Dreadnought is not enough.
Dr. Strangelove must go back to his WarGames. The EU needs new deterrents.
Deterrents dissuade an adversary from taking aggressive action by persuasively demonstrating that the costs would outweigh the potential gains.
When the adversary operates below the threshold that would trigger an armed response – e.g. in hybrid warfare – the traditional deterrents are less effective.
Learning the methods leads to counter-measures.
Cyber-attacks and use of electromagnetic spectrum.
Information and psychological warfare.
Trade wars and legal battles (lawfare).
Gunboat diplomacy and proxy wars.
Special operations and prompt precision strikes.
CBRN.
The EU needs to create common and credible deterrents to dissuade new adversaries and novel types of aggression.
Why should the EU focus on deterrence and the Member States on territorial defense – and letting the US, UN and NATO do the missions impossible?
A short answer: It has been difficult to win wars in faraway countries, like Vietnam or Afghanistan, as the US and Soviet Union learnt the hard way. And even if you win the war, you still lose the peace. In Libya, Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan (again)… Exporting western values to the East or Middle East has not been a successful trade.
The expeditionary armies or EU battlegroups should not be the priority of the European Defense Union.
Al-Qaidan WTC-iskun 20-vuotisvuonna Afganistanin risupartaluolamiehet perustivat Talibanistanin.
EU ihmettelee. Pelastus- ja evakuointitoimet ovat hajallaan kuin varpusparvi haukan hyökättyä. Kuka pelkää mustapartaista miestä? Pakokauhu kalvaa ja kasvaa. Talipäät katkovat päät ja kädet. Humanitaarinen katastrofi odottaa kulman takana. Pakolaisaalto vyöryy Pakistaniin ja Iraniin. Kalifaatti tai islamistinen emiraatti palauttaa Afganistanin kivi(tys)kauteen. Al-Qaida nousee.
EU vitkastelee. Nopean toiminnan joukot hidastelevat. Delegaatiot delegoivat. Tiedustelu tiedustelee tietämättömyyttään. Mitä tehdä?
EU:n ulkosuhdehallinnolle massiivisia ulkomaan delegaatioita, pakolaisleirejä ja sotilastukikohtia.
EU:n sotilastiedustelulle ja turvallisuushenkilöstölle terävämmät partaveitset.
EU:n satu loppuu, jos se käyttäytyy kuin eunukki ja 27 kääpiötä.
The European Defense Union should be built on a firm ground.
The ground forces are the backbone of defense. Defense, in turn, is the core task of the government. If you do not have enough boots on the ground, your government can be changed out of the voting booths. A country always has an Army: if it is not yours, then it is the one of your enemy.
Territorial armies serve as a backstop, protecting territorial integrity, safeguarding the living conditions of the residents, and shielding the constitutional law and order, as well as the values and interests of the state. Their main mission is to defend the state against external threats.
The European Defense Union must be built from the ground.
The EU countries should be ready, willing and able to defend themselves. With a little help from the EU institutions and agencies, they could also do so successfully.
How could the EU help? A vocal condemnation or a robust letter may not be enough. The help must be 1) men, 2) money and 3) machines.
1) The EU needs tripwire troops: Hired from the special forces of all Member States, they would train in the EU and overseas territories, with the main mission to move and deter attack in any Member State.
2) The EU needs bigger defense funds and other financial means for defense: EU budget allocations, off-budget facilities, European Peace Facility (war chest), and Member States’ defense budget/deficit contributions for centralized defense spending.
3) The EU needs EU-owned and jointly-purchased military assets for the EU arms depots. Finally, the EU needs a plan to consolidate the defense sector.
The EU mutual defense clause must become concrete in terms of men, money and machines.
How would Article 42.7 of NEU (for New EU) look like?
“On the request of any EU Member State, the EU institutions and agencies are obliged to aid and assist it by military troops, war machines and monetary means, in accordance with Article 51 of European Defense Union.”
The request could be based on military training, war games, or anticipation of armed aggression. The EU institutions and agencies should be able to act swiftly, based on pre-prepared agreements and various scenarios for aid and assistance, with the troop transport and lend-and-lease logistics pre-set and practiced. The details of men, money and machines to be delivered would be specified in Article 51 of EDU (arms depots, means of air, sea and land transport, and destinations/locations, as well as deadlines, timelines and allocations of materiel).
The EU’s centralized defense clause would thereby be concretized.
The centralized and concretized defense clause for the EU institutions and agencies would complement the mutual defense clauses that oblige the EU and NATO members.
It would ensure that any EU Member State has access to men, money and machines for effective defense.
The EU “War Chest” would wire cash, loans, guarantees and other financial aid to cover costs.
The EU “Arms Depots” would transport arms, ammunition, vehicles and other supplies to support defense.
The EU Tripwire Troops would deter any attack until they start incurring casualties, which alarm the allies and trigger the mutual defense clauses. The costs and damage of a war would be compensated by the EU financial aid. The EU-owned or jointly-purchased military assets and other supplies would strengthen the victim's arsenal.
Eventually, the EU/NATO mutual defense clauses would kick in, with other Member States joining in the war.
Alueellinen puolustus on kunkin jäsenvaltion velvollisuus.
Sitä tukemaan ja tehostamaan tarvitaan keskitetty ja konkreettinen puolustusklausuuli Euroopan puolustusunionille (EU-instituutioille ja -erillisvirastoille). Jäsenmaan pyynnöstä EU:n toimittaa maalle ”rahaa, rautaa ja rauhanturvaajia” ulkoisen uhan, yhteisharjoitusten tai kertausharjoitusten varalta:
1) EU:lle sotakassa. Jos EU:n budjettista ei voi allokoida varoja varusteluun tai sotatoimiin, EU:n puolustusrahastoja täytyy täydentää. T&K- ja hankintarahastojen oheen operaatio- ja kriisirahasto.
2) EU:lle asevarasto. Logistiikkayksikön vastuulle etenkin kalliit maa-, ilma- ja merivoimien aseet. Unionin navigointi- ja tiedustelusatelliittien lisäksi EU:n omistamat tai yhteisesti hankitut asejärjestelmät tarvittaessa uhatun jäsenmaan käyttöön ja komentoon.
3) EU:lle ”ansalankayksikkö”. Kansallisista erikoisjoukoista palkattu sopimussotilasjoukko, joka toimii ja harjoittee EU:n alueella isäntämaan johdolla ja pyynnöstä.
Does Europe need the EU Army? Or do European armies need the EU?
In my mind, for defense, the European armies need the EU more than Europe needs the EU Army. Decentralized defense by national armed forces should be sufficient for the moment – if adequately supported by the EU institutions and agencies:
The EU satellites (Galileo, Sentinel, etc.) to support the European armies as “Space Force”, providing information – navigation, locations, communication, weather conditions, etc.
The EU/NATO air-policing operations to be expanded from the Baltic to Balkan countries. The jointly-purchased aircrafts (like the NATO strategic airlift capacity, AWACS, air tankers, electronic warfare aircraft, combat drones) to support any EU/NATO air forces.
The “EU Navy” to lend or lease expensive EU-owned destroyers, submarines, and aircraft or helicopter carriers for Member States for training, joint-exercises, war games, etc.
The EU needs a center for military logistics and procurement.
Tasapainoinen puolustusunioni seisoo kahden jalan varassa: pelotteen ja puolustuksen. Työnjako EU-instanssien ja EU-jäsenmaiden välillä saisi noudattaa tätä vastuun ja toimivallan kahtiajakoa: EU:lle pelote, EU:n jäsenmaille puolustus.
Pelote, pidäke tai deterrenssi rakentaa rauhaa uskottavan (ydin)asevoiman varaan. Se pienentää sodan todennäköisyyttä. Rauha jatkuu, kun potentiaalinen vihollinen pelkää kostoiskun vaikutusta tai epäilee puolustajan pystyvän kiistämään hyökkääjän edun, ylivoiman, herruuden tai tavoitteiden saavuttamisen. Pelote on luonteeltaan passiivinen ja (vasta)hyökkäyksellinen.
Puolustus, torjunta ja viivytys perustuu sotatoimiin. Se pyrkii (torjunta)voittoon maksimoimalla vihollisen tappiot optimoimalla omat uhraukset. Sota päättyy, kun sitä ei enää kannata jatkaa. Viivytys on aktiivista puolustustaistelua.
Pelotteen ja puolustuksen erilaisen luonteen takia ne soisi erotettavan subsidiariteettiperiaatteen mukaisesti yhtäältä EU:lle ja toisaalta jäsenvaltioille.
Pelotteen ABC on nykyisin CBRN.
Atomiaseet luovat ydinpelotteen. Pieni valtio torjuu isonkin uhan omilla ydinaseillaan kuten Israel tai Pohjois-Korea. Pienet maat voivat myös kyyristyä suuren maan (USA) ydinsateenvarjon alle. Tai ne voivat sopia ydinpelotteen jakamisesta ottamalle omalle maalleen liittolaisen ydinaseita kuten EU:n NATO-jäsenet.
Radiologiset aseet viittaavat ”likaisiin pommeihin”, jotka levittävät radioaktiivista säteilyä saastuttamaan ympäristöä (ilman ydinräjähdystä). Terroristien käsissä sellainen joukkotuhoase olisi paha pelote.
Biologisia aseita ovat bakteerit, virukset ja eloperäiset myrkyt (esim. botuliini).
Kemiallisia aseita ovat taistelukaasut, savut ja sytytysaineet.
Joukkotuhoaseiden leviämisen rajoittamiseksi on parempi, että EU kontrolloi keskitetysti pelotetta, ettei jokaisen jäsenmaan tarvitse luoda omaa pidäkettään.
Puolustuksellinen pelotteen pidäke saattaa silti nousta kynnyskysymykseksi tutkakatveeseen.
Oletetaan täysin kuvitteellisesti, että
VERIFIN tukisi kemiallisen aseen kieltosopimuksen valvontaa kehittämällä tutkimusmenetelmiä kemiallisille taisteluaineille;
Ekokem tuhoaisi Syyriasta siirrettyä kemiallisten aseiden jätettä;
Helsingissä toimisi kemikaaliturvallisuutta valvova Euroopan kemikaalivirasto;
Helsingin yliopistossa toimisi maailman suurimpiin kuuluva radiokemian instituutti.
Jne.
Millaisten joukkotuhoaseiden leviämisen vastaisia keinoja pieni maa kehittäisi, jos se ei halua tutkia Wuhanin nuhan alkuperää tai virusmutaatioiden kiihdyttämistä laboratorioissa rokotteiden kehittämiseksi?
The European Defense Union has 3 obvious problems:
1) Political decision-making is slow at the EU level.
2) Defensive capabilities are limited in many Member States of the EU.
3) The EU cannot project power globally (as a common and credible deterrent).
The solutions are not necessarily too difficult.
In minor operations, the EU can delegate decision-making to an individual Member State, or a coalition of ready, willing and able countries. This is what happened in the evacuation in Afghanistan. The EU/NATO requested assistance from the Member States, which were able to make decisions fast and act swiftly.
Second, the defensive capabilities of a threatened Member State can be reinforced by men, money and machines from the EU. On its request, the EU should send EU tripwire troops, transfer funds, and provide access to satellite information and lend-and-lease materiel from EU arms depots (to be set up).
Finally, the EU should start building a common and credible deterrence.
Conversation
AUKUS news in September.
While the joint communication on the European strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region is being published today (16 Sept 2021), Australia announces that the deal is dead for the USD 90 billion project for 12 French-designed Attack-class submarines – in order to acquire 8 nuclear submarines as part of historic partnership with US and UK (called AUKUS) to counter threats in the Indo-Pacific.
https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-09-16/australia-nuclear-submarine-partnership-us-uk/100465814
The EU Navy obviously needs a fleet of nuclear submarines. The European strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region cannot be implemented in the form of rowing boats. Japan and South-Korea are undoubtedly speeding up their programs for nuclear-powered submarines, along with China, India and other regional powers.
A fleet of 30 nuclear submarines might suffice for the EU Member States by 2050. Even 3 would be a good start for now.
Do you have any thoughts on what happened behind the scenes?
This is just a simple thought I have had, but it repeats it selves over the years. Do you think it would be possible to make some kind of "open intelligence" where people contribute with what they know - combined with what this usually leads to? I know this is what happens all the time on forums like this. It would need to have some guidelines combined with some control. The problem is the control. Who and how many should be able to control. But the end result would be worth for more people to learn from.
I tried to find out a little more yesterday (see the link). There are also more and more news being published. https://corporalfrisk.com/2021/09/17/a-pounding-in-the-pacific/
Open intelligence is a good idea. In other forums I have also seen interesting information collected by a group where someone knows somebody who knows what really happened. Like Bellingcat.
The EU Future Forum does not seem to work like that. Discussion and comments are rare. Too many ideas, too few comments and discussions.
Conversation
Quote : "Instead of repeating past mistakes, the EU should directly hire professional soldiers on contracts."
I agree with you on this one. Because it it passes many obstacles (laws). Wonder if the french foreign legion could be expanded and Europeanized?
Want to emphasize that what ever we do, it is meaningless to think USA out of it. We are too much alike to split up. This is also why the rivalry is so much higer and so much more hidden. You have to smile to your rival at the party. We might be rivals but when it comes to trouble, we are there for each other.
And this is where your direction is right. We need to be stronger or we will be worthless - also to the USA.
But we might not agree on Russia and Turkey. I find it extremely important that we think them into our security policy as future partners and even members! Other solutions will be hideous and ugly, not least because of proximity and distance in meters. Russia has past been allies with France and many other
In my mind, there are two ways to create the “EU expeditionary army” (instead of multinational battlegroups):
1) Transform the French Foreign Legion (FFL) into the “European Legion”.
2) Attach a military arm to Frontex (as a tripwire troop).
The first option is quicker and bigger. The FFL is already a functional unit. It could hire more Europeans to get even bigger and better equipped for overseas operations. The EU should support it financially. It would avoid the political paralysis of the EU, if in the command of a single nation. (There are also obvious obstacles with this solution.)
Frontex is an operating unit, too, and a “federal” agency. Its military arm might hire people from the national Special Forces. These tripwire troops could be invited to any EU Member State if threatened by armed aggression, etc. Initially, the troops would get experience in rapid reaction operations within the EU borders before becoming an EU expeditionary legion or the 28th army.
1)
Transform FFL into EL might create disputes with France. But certainly a great idea. The advantages are the ease FFL overcomes legal obstacles that would jeopardize a fast reaction time. And also it is here. Not much need to do!
2)
Frontex is still fragile. They need to cement their rightfull position in the EU. I am not sure they should be turned into an army in the short run. But a careful armament could solve some issues.
3)
Forceex could be a sister organization to Frontex and be more prepared, still payed individuals trained as soldiers - and with heavier equipment!
Frontex has faced some headwind recently. On the other hand, it is expected to grow to 10,000 border guards strong.
I suppose most EU countries nowadays have border police forces, rather than border military forces. We still have the old guard in place, with a reserve troop in case of an armed aggression. (In fact, the reserve is one of the 3 real Special Forces, along with paratroopers and “frogmen”.)
“Forceex” sounds like a great idea! It is prudential to prepare for the worst case with military trained personnel and heavier equipment.
Conversation
The atomic deterrence is here. It must never be left out of the equation. This is also why the war has gone from warm to cold to economic. Or it was economic all the time. Anyhow - we need to grow economically. It is the exact oppesite of sustainability, if done wrong. But lets assume that we can grow and be environmental sustainably - only this way - the economic way - can we show the world that civilization will prevail.
In the great powers game soft power is not enough. The EU is seen as useless and helpless if it cannot project power globally. As the EU is not a federal state, it lacks political leadership. Fortunately, the EU Member States are democracies that can make decisions reasonably quickly – but they lack resources to project power globally.
The interim solution: centralized EU defense funding and arms depots. The EU-owned or jointly-purchased expensive military assets allow the individual EU Member States to project power in a coalition of the willing. Such an EU procurement agency would also support the EU arms industry with big orders for common equipment available for the Member States on a lend-and-lease basis.
(As for Russia and Turkey, we are not too far away. In my view, Putin and Erdogan must first go before the winds of changes start blowing in those countries. In the meantime, it is better to focus on safeguarding Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Georgia, etc.)
Yes we must combine our effort to pull and push at the same time with the same force and direction. Its the only way to overcome stuff like space, semiconductors, AI, software, defense etc.
My main concern about Russia is if it falls into the hands of China. . . .
China is interested in buying bits and pieces of Russian gas and aluminum companies.
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-03-08/china-considers-buying-stakes-in-russian-energy-commodity-firms
After biting off bits and pieces of Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine etc., the Russian bear is feeling the heat of the dragon’s flame in its tail.
However, it appears that Ukraine is not falling in Putin’s pocket as easily as Belarus.
It is great to see that unity and common sense is slowly returning to the EU, following the Russian attack and aggression in Ukraine.
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